Gotad Ad Ifugao

Gotad is an Ifugao term which refers to a large gathering of people. This is a celebration which represents phases of prestige rites in which people living around the community meet on the village of the family conducting the rites.

Gotad Ad Ifugao is a long week prestige festival celebrated every year by the Ifugaos to commemorate the Ifugao Foundation. This is celebrated after the harvest season of palay locally known as "tinawon" meaning yearly or every year wherein Ifugaos from the different municipalities are gathered in Lagawe, the capital town of the province to perform various activities. This is a form of thanksgiving celebration after a long year of hard work.

The theme for 2014 Gotad Ad Ifugao is "A Celebration of Cultural Heritage as Foundation for Self Determination and Sustainable Development". Different municipalities of the province will participate the activities that will feature them, their culture and the progress of their own lands. Olympic sports and indigenous sports competition, ball games and cultural competition including beauty pageant are among the list of activities prepared by the province for this year's celebration. Featured indigenous sports are bultung (wrestling), hinnukting, guyyudan (tug of war), akkad (kadang kadang) race, uggub and others.

Schedule of Activities

A Celebration of Cultural Heritage as Foundation for Self Determination and Sustainable Development

Float Parade contest 

Street Dancing Parade and Contest

Different products from the municipalities of Ifugao 

Bogwa- Old Ifugao Tradition

OLD IFUGAO TRADITIONS - BOGWA
(Bone Cleansing Ritual)
by Anderson Tuguinay

“Bogwa” is the practice of exhuming the bones of the dead, cleaning, re wrapping and returning them to the grave or “lubuk. The Ifugao is one of the ethnic groups in the Cordillera region of the Philippines that practice this tradition of exhuming their dead usually after a year or more depending on the desire and necessity. The Ifugaos traditionally see it as a family responsibility towards the deceased loved one and a necessity for those left behind in order to prosper and live at peace with the spirits of their departed. With all the animals offered to appease the spirits of the dead, the bogwa is one of the most expensive native rituals next to a wedding. Three days of feasting rather than mourning is expected and an open invitation is extended to everyone within or outside the community. Performing bogwa shows not only the love and care to a family member even though he died several years ago but also the concern, love, care and hope for prosperous years for the living ones. Bogwa repeats the normal burial ceremonies and activities when they died without the expression of grief.

Ifugaos before western influence did not embalm their dead nor place it inside coffins. Instead, the corpse is bathed and clothed with the traditional g-string or “binuh-lan” for men and “ampuy-yo” for women. The deceased is seated in betel nut trunks called hadag fabricated under the house or da-ulon. With the absence of embalming chemicals, the corpse decay fast and only the bones remain in the tomb after year duration. Traditionally, early Ifugaos would just open up the tomb (lu-buk/gu-ngat), gather up the bones (tinip-lud) and after cleaning, wrap it in a new burial blanket called gamong. The bones are not brought to the residence for the bogwa but instead returned immediately to the grave. A pig is butchered as an offering to the dead. This is called “pinapong-pong” meaning to take hold or to grasp. It is believed that the sacrificed pig is given to the spirit of the dead who thereby brings it to his ancestors. The “bogwa” comes in later either by necessity or obligation.

Because of current legally required embalming practices, the cadaver is still intact and mummified even after two years, thus the decimation of the “tinip-lud” practice. When the “bogwa” ritual becomes a necessity, the bones have to be separated from the mummified cadaver. The bones have to be forced out from the sockets and the flesh to be scraped out with the use of knives and other instruments. Sometimes the hair and the face are still intact and recognizable but with the tradition, the skin and the hair have to be removed as a requirement for cleaning. The bones are then cleaned and neatly arranged in a new gamong with the leg bones (femur, tibia and fibula) first. The arm bones (humerus, ulna and radius) come in next. Pelvic, rib and other loose bones are gathered in the center of the piled bones. The skull comes finally on top. The burial blanket is folded wrapping the bones in place and carried to the residence for the “bogwa”. Several persons gathered for the wake that would consist of three days and two nights. During the “bogwa”, it is the obligation of the family to serve dinner to persons attending the wake. Snacks, confectioneries and alcoholic beverages are also served. “Hud-hud” is sung nightly by elderly folks who come in droves to attend the wake. Christian religious groups also participate by praying the rosary and singing religious songs during the wake. A “bogwa” is characterized by presence of several persons day and night, as it is customary that even in the wee hours of the morning several persons are seen gathered to where the bones are laid.

Customary to Ifugao traditions, the grave is opened in the morning. The bones are cleaned, wrapped in a new “gamong” and brought to the residence for the “bogwa”. This ritual could be a day wherein the bones are brought back to the grave in the afternoon of the following day or it could be up to three days and two nights. During a three day ritual, the first day is called the “boh-wat”, the second day is called the “kad-wa” and the third is called the “kat-lu”. Pigs are butchered everyday with the exception of a carabao or a large pig during the “kat-lu”. A carabao is butchered if the deceased was not given the traditional “dangli” during his death or if the family wishes.

During this occasion, some parts of the animals butchered are given to relatives as a sign of kinship. This is called “bolwa”. The “lapa” (front legs) and “ulpu” (hind legs) are the choice parts for the “bolwa”. The “lapa” (left and right front legs) are given to families related to the father and mother of the deceased. The “ulpu” is given to the persons who are related to the in-laws of the deceased. The rest of the meat is cut into chunks and cooked as viand for people attending the wake. It is the “mun-ngilin” who decides and directs the separation of meat portions intended for the “bolwa”. The separated meat portions are immediately given to the representative of each clan who in turn calls for clan members and divide the meat amongst them.

In the afternoon of the “katlu” (third day) the bones are brought back to the grave with the usual three gongs accompanying the entourage. The bones are positioned inside the grave with the skull facing opposite the grave opening. Family members enter the grave one at a time slightly shaking the skull saying their farewell. When about to close the slab or stones that seals the grave, two “lawit” is lowered inside and pulled briskly when closed. It is believed that the “lawit” will pull back any stray soul of any person who entered the grave either for reason of doing maintenance work or saying their respects. Once the grave is closed, one of the “lawit” is given to a family member or relative who briskly walks ahead without looking back. When the person carrying the “lawit” reaches the residence, he stacks it in the corner of the house. The other “lawit” is left beside the grave door. A “lawit” is a “pu-dung” or a cogon grass, the leafy edge tied in an over hand knot.

The “munbaki” performs the “kib-kib-lu” or closing rite when the family reaches home. In the prayer (baki) of the pagan priest, he asks the “Maknongan” (God) that the “bogwa” benefit the spirit of the deceased and the family. In the “kib-kib-lu” ritual, the jaw bone of the pig butchered during the “katlu” is added to the betel nut (moma), piper betel (hapid) and a bottle of native wine (baya) which are placed in the “liga-u” (rice winnowing tray).

The culminating ritual is the “kig-gad” which is performed a day after the “bogwa”. This is the final and culminating phase. A large rooster (poltan), a large hen (up-pa) and four other medium chickens (umatub-lu) are needed for the ritual. More chickens are added to suffice the viand for those persons present during the ritual which is done by one or two pagan priests. The chicken being offered in the ritual is held by the feet and wings by a person while the “mun-baki” holds the head and incises the neck with a sharp knife. As soon as blood spouts out, the “mun-baki” starts his prayer. The roster and the hen (first and second) are offered to the “mundomod-mang” (genealogy). Only the names of deceased persons are mentioned during the “baki”. The roster and hen are sacrificed one at a time. The third chicken is offered to the “matungulan” or host. It is synonymous to the “maknongan” or supreme god. The “baki” for Matungulan said in part, “dawaton mi ta hay map-map-hod di iliyak ya dumakol di ag-gayam ya imog-mogan”, literally means praying for bountiful harvest and plentiful livestock. Bountiful harvest does not only refer to products from the rice fields but also from the habal or slash and burn agriculture.

The fourth chicken is offered to the “manah-ha-ut” from the Tuwali word “ha-ut” (noun) or “mun-ha-ut” (adjective) meaning to deceive or to cause to believe what is not true. The offering is intended so that the individual or family does not become a victim of deception or false belief. The “mun-ha-ut” symbolizes the fallacies and false belief of an individual that will tend to imperil his aspirations.

The fifth chicken is offered to the “ido”. The “ido” or “pit-pit”, a jargon in the Tuwali –Kiangan dialect is a small boisterous colorful bird with red and black feathers which is regarded as the bird that imparts an omen for a journey. It is believed that when the bird intersects the trail (mun-a-lawa) you are traveling, it is implying a warning that an untoward incident may happen. Traditionally, the traveler used to discontinue the journey or step aside from the trail for a few minutes to let the misfortune pass by. However, if the “ido” moves parallel to the trail seemingly accompanying the person, it is a sign of good luck. Idiomatically, the “ido” symbolizes the obstacles we encounter in our daily life. It is in this offering where the “munbaki” pleads in his prayer (tobotbal) that there will be no obstacles for the individual who toils for his welfare and wellbeing of the family.

The sixth chicken is offered as “paki-dal-da-lanan”. It is derived from the Tuwali word “dalan” (way) or “mun-dal-lanan” (to walk). In essence, it is the relation of an individual with the community and other people. The offering is for the charisma or luck of an individual that he may be blessed in all his undertakings and aspirations.

The bile of the animals and chickens sarificed in the ritual is inspected and given prognosis. Bile which is black and seemingly round, imbedded neatly and covered by the liver lobe is called “mabga”. This is the best prognosis as the offering is well accepted by the one to whom it is offered. If the bile is full but pale in appearance, it is called “im-makig”. The interpretation is that the spirit of the deceased wishes to take one of the family member with him in the unknown world. When the apex of the bile lies exceptionally outside the liver, it is called “mun-dung-dung-o”. It comes from the Tuwali word “dung-o” meaning to peep or looking through from the outside. The prognosis means that the spirit of the deceased is always looking at the family. Another type of bile prognosis is the “nakupo”. This is when the bile is exceptionally pale, thin and without any fluid. It connotes emptiness. Except for the “mab-ga” prognosis, the others are not favorable. Some rituals are recommended to attain bile which is “mab-ga”.

According to Apu Inugwidan, a well respected “munbaki” from Kiangan, Ifugao, there are three reasons why “bogwa” is performed, namely – “ligat” (hardship), when a widower plans to remarry (mun-bintan), and “ule” (kindness). The Tuwali word “ligat” is a synonymous to the Ilocano word “rigat” which means hardship or suffering. A family member who becomes sick is a form of “ligat”. It is believed that a spirit of the dead is causing the illness. It is also manifested in unusual dreams wherein it is believed that a spirit is implying a message. Extreme scenarios could be manifested by paranormal activities such feeling the unusual presence of the spirit (ma-min-da-ang), unexplained hearing of voices or other unusual occurrences. Personal accounts of some individuals who performed the “bogwa” because of unusual occurrences revealed that when the tomb was opened, it was found out to be flooded. It could also be that the grave could be full of ants or termites or a nail from the coffin pressing against the cadaver.

During earlier times when the “baki” was rigorously and meticulously practiced by early Ifugaos, it is customary that the family performs the “ketema” when a family member gets sick. “Ketema” is a “baki” ritual itself which involves the butchering of chickens. It is however more specific in determining who among the spirits of the dead relatives and deities causing the illness. The ritual is performed by three of more pagan priests depending on the necessity. As the ritual gains its momentum, the pagan priest/priestess performing the “ketema” would be more agitated as they mention individually the names of dead relatives and deities. As the pagan ministers chant the “ketema”, one among the persons present in the ritual would suddenly go in a trance, trembles and speaks incoherently which is a sign that the person is possessed (nih-kopan). Through the possessed person, the spirit identifies itself and makes known what he/she wishes to be done. In some instances, the spirit of the dead would request that he/she be brought home for the “bogwa”. The spirit would then leave the possessed person in a daze. So it is from this reason that the family shall perform the “bogwa” as a necessity no matter how costly it may be.

With the decrease of persons knowledgeable in performing the “baki”, families resort to “agba” instead of the costly “ketema” in determining whose remains are to be brought home for the “bogwa”. The “agba” is a method of the “mun-baki” to determine which ancestor is causing the illness. The ritual is done by one “munbaki” (pagan priest) with the use of two eggs, knives and other materials as a sign that the name of a spirit mentioned is the one causing the malady. The ritual starts with a “tobotbal” (prayer). Then the pagan priest one at a time utters the names of deceased relatives and at the same time place two eggs or two knives on top of the other. Surprisingly, when the name of the spirit causing the malady is mentioned, the eggs or knives used in the ritual stand upright on top of each for a few seconds thus giving the prognosis. It is however surprising that the materials used would not stand on top of each other if the name called is not the spirit causing the illness. When the spirit is identified, the “mun-agba” would then act as the medium and informs what the spirit desires or needs to be done. No chicken is sacrificed in this ritual.

Persons who die from violence are buried without the traditional butchering of the carabao called “dangli”. It is however a must that the bones be brought home for the bogwa after a year or more from the date of the burial. Seven to nine days after the victim is buried, the family performs the “opa”. It is a “baki” ritual practically focussed in calling the spirit of the dead to get down from the sky. It is believed that after the person have died from the violent incident, the spirit, after leaving the mortal body wondered up in the sky. Name calling in the ritual sometimes include the names of living persons who help or handled the victim after the incident. When the family feels that it is a necessity to bring home the bones for the bogwa, the opa ritual it is again done in the morning before the bones are brought in the afternoon. A pig is butchered during the opa ritual. A cluster of the red “dongla” leaves are tied to the hilt of the spear which is briskly raised towards the sky in the direction of the sun by the pagan minister who shouts name of the dead person. The spear is abruptly reversed with the blade towards the liga-u (rice winowing tray) shaking it briskly. It is during the bogwa that the traditional “dangli” is finally butchered. The bones are brought back traditionally to the grave after the ritual.

The Tuwali word “u-le” means kindness. The “kadangyan” (wealthy) or financially capable family performs the “bogwa” for no other reason than to maintain the tradition of remembering the dead. This is done as recognition for their wealth and prestige. It is also done as a basis for a reunion of relatives and clans. Ifugaos believe that when the dead are taken cared of and given what is due in a cultural tradition, the kindness shall be returned in the form of peace and prosperity for the family.

Bogwa is still performed by the Ifugaos. Some of the non-Ifugao settlers also perform the “bogwa”. The rituals for the “bogwa” is basically bone cleaning and a repetition of customs and traditions accorded to the recently deceased. The consistency of bogwa shows the love and care to a family member even though he had died several years ago. Bogwa as a tradition is more of a personal responsibility towards a love one rather than performing it as a necessity.

Ifugaos in the Apocalypse Now (1979) Movie...

I met a person who loves reading books especially books about the Philippines. He’s been out to different books stores in search for good books authored mostly by Filipinos. One evening when we were having a conversation over a coffee, he talked about a compilation of essays written by young Filipinos. These essays were published in the news paper few years ago. The compilation is called Flip.He handed me two books. One was the Dogeaters which caught my attention upon reading the title. I thought that the book talks about the people or culture in North Luzon especially the one living in the mountains. He told me it’s about the things happened in the country during and after the war. He gave me the other book entitled Flip. I have the habit of opening and reading the book starting from the last page so I got so surprised upon reading the last content of the essays. I copied the story from a site for the others who've never known about this (like me) to read... :)

"APOCALYPSE YESTERDAY ALREADY!"
Ifugao Extras and The Making of Apocalypse Now
by Deirdre McKay and Padmapani L. Perez

In making films (and watching them), the line between reality and make-believe is a blurry one. Foreign films shot in the Philippines usually use the Philippines to stand in for another location. The filmmakers thus must make over the Philippine backdrop into a convincing replica of Vietnam or Indonesia by adding appropriate sets, design and, most importantly, local extras. Filipino extras on foreign shoots have been asked to 'play' natives of neighboring Asian countries by simply being themselves. As 'natural actors,' local extras walk a tightrope, balancing between reality and make-believe.

Though they were paid to act, the Ifugao extras were supposed to 'be themselves', apparently on the assumption that, by being Ifugao they would pass as 'Vietnamese' in the film!

'Act Vietnamese' and 'Just act natural' were the instructions of Francis Ford Coppola to Ifugao extras during the filming of his masterpiece, Apocalypse Now. The shoot took place in 1976-1977, first in Baler and Iba, Quezon, and then in Pagsanjan, Laguna. By now, many of the experiences of the Ifugao extras are a distant episode in their rich life histories, but they still remember their confusion over these puzzling instructions. Though they were paid to act, the Ifugao extras were supposed to 'be themselves', apparently on the assumption that, by being Ifugao they would pass as 'Vietnamese' in the film!

Coppola's film is an adaptation of Heart of Darkness, Joseph Conrad's novel of Western colonialism, setting the action up the Nung River, through Vietnam into Cambodia, during the Vietnam War. The plot of Heart of Darkness sends a young commercial agent up the river into Africa, trying to trace his superior, Kurtz, who has come undone to such an extent that he is collecting ivory from the natives under a reign of terror. The film captures the essential elements: the colonial frontier, the savage heart, and the savagery lurking in the "civilized" heart of the white master, under which the native must bear the horror of colonialism.

"Francis Ford Coppola, Lily Luglug and one of the Ifugao mumbaki (native ritual specialists) on the set." Photo credit: courtesy of Lily Luglug.

In Coppola's version, Lt. Willard (Martin Sheen) is the not-so-naive junior sent up the Mekong River. This time Kurtz (Marlon Brando) is a renegade colonel who has set up his own kingdom among the hill tribes in Cambodia—a place where, officially, the U.S. military is not engaged. Willard's mission is to assassinate Kurtz. When he finds Kurtz upriver, Willard is both terrified and compelled by the vision of the man. In the final scene of Apocalypse Now, where Willard kills Kurtz against the backdrop of a "Cambodian" festival, Kurtz's demise is closely paralleled by the ritual slaughter of a carabao.

In the scenes building up to this climactic ending, Kurtz quotes T.S. Eliot's poem, "The Hollow Men," in his twisted rationalization of the carnage that is his kingdom:

We are the hollow men
We are the stuffed men
Leaning together
Headpiece filled with straw. Alas!
Our dried voices, when
We whisper together
Are quiet and meaningless
As wind in dry grass
Or rats' feet over broken glass
In our dry cellar
Shape without form, shade without colour,
Paralysed force, gesture without motion ...[1]

Crew members who had seen Ifugao dancers affirmed that, unlike lowland women, Ifugao women did not "walk sexy." ...So, apparently, this distinctive Ifugao performance of femininity led to a large contingent of Ifugao people joining the shoot.

By having Kurtz quote Eliot, the film brings home a connection between the poet Eliot's fascination with modernity vs. primitivism as an organizing dichotomy; and his early exposure to Igorots playing gongs at the 1904 St. Louis World's Fair. After seeing the Igorot Village, the boy Eliot wrote a short story that had him in the role of leader of a band of Igorots warriors.[2] The thunder in "The Wasteland" may well be inspired by the beating of Igorot gongs, just as the ingenious ending of Apocalypse Now has Ifugao ritual written all over the film.

We found out about Coppola's film and the Ifugao extras who acted in it from Deirdre's friends, who sell woodcarvings in Banaue, and from Padma's parents, both of whom were present on the film's set. Some of Deirdre's friends had been in the film and were full of stories about life on the set. There has been quite a lot written on the making of the film—The Apocalypse Now Book (Peter Cowie, Da Capo Press, 2001) and Eleanor Coppola's memoirs, Notes on the Making of Apocalypse Now (London: Faber and Faber, 1979) as well as her documentary on the shoot, Hearts of Darkness. But very little had been said about Filipino participation in the film. We decided to find out more about the experiences of Ifugao extras on the set of Apocalypse Now since the ending, to us, looked like straight-up Ifugao ritual.

We wanted to know just how an 'entire Ifugao village' got recruited to play Montagnards in Kurtz's guerrilla compound in Cambodia, and what did the Ifugao extras, who took on these roles, make of the whole enterprise? We started with Eleanor Coppola's book, and took it to Banaue Poblacion for some feedback from the former extras.

On August 24, 1976, Eleanor Coppola wrote on the Pagsanjan set:

In the script, Kurtz's band of renegade soldiers has trained a tribe of local Montagnard Indians to be a fighting team. They live in huts by the temple. Rather than dress up Filipino extras everyday, Francis asked Eva, a production assistant, to go to a northern province where the rice terraces are and recruit a real tribe of primitive people to come live on the set and be in the scenes. I hear she is trying to make a contract with a group of 250 Ifugao Indians….

In 2002 , 26 years later, Edgar Dupingay (one of the 'Ifugao Indians' who went to Pagsanjan to be part of the film) read the above passage from Eleanor Coppola's Notes and remarked with a laugh, "It would be better if she called us Ifugao-Vietnamese because that's what we were supposed to be there!"

Jerry and Roben said that Eva specified that she preferred pure Ifugao, and not "hybrid Ifugao" born of intermarriages and who didn't have 'the look' that the film required.

Joseph Blas, another extra from Banaue, told Deirdre that Francis Ford Coppola cast Ifugao women as the locals in the battle scenes. Crew members who had seen Ifugao dancers affirmed that, unlike lowland women, Ifugao women did not "walk sexy." They could then, apparently, withstand the simulated warfare on the film set with a simulacrum of 'realistic' female movement, because they were 'tribal' women, used to the hardships of mountain life. So, apparently, this distinctive Ifugao performance of femininity led to a large contingent of Ifugao people joining the shoot.

Jerry Luglug, who had worked as one of the interpreters on the set, told us that Eva Gardos, an American who was part of the production, went to Nayong Pilipino in Manila to view the exhibits there. She saw the Ifugao village and thought that the Ifugao looked just like Montagnards. "Talagang native na native ang itsura, "according to Jerry. Gardos later told Jerry that she was advised to travel all over the Cordillera to find extras, but when she saw the Ifugao in Nayong Pilipino, she found just what was needed for the film. The Ifugao 'village' at Nayong Pilipino was set up by the American anthropologist, William Beyer, and inhabited by Ifugao from Batad, Banaue. Gardos contacted William Beyer and he instructed her to travel to Banaue and contact with Lily (Beyer's daughter) and Jerry Luglug (Lily's husband).

Eva wanted more than 240 Ifugao to be extras for the film. Eva Gardos, Jerry and Lily approached Former Congressman Benjamin Cappelman and the late former Mayor Roben Bahatan (whom Padma was fortunate to meet) for assistance in recruiting Ifugao extras for the film. They were instructed to recruit men, women, elders, and some children as well. Jerry and Roben said that Eva specified that she preferred pure Ifugao, and not "hybrid Ifugao" born of intermarriages and who didn't have 'the look' that the film required. She didn't want Ilocano or Tagalog-looking Ifugao. Initially, she even wanted all of the extras to come from Batad, just like the Ifugao she had met at Nayong Pilipino. Jerry and Lily had to tell her that was impossible, because then one would have to empty the barangay of Batad of its entire population to get enough extras for the film.

Upon the arrival of the Ifugao in Pagsanjan, she was particularly upset that they had been transported from Banaue in military 6x6 trucks. Many of them arrived sick and dehydrated.

Roben, as the then outgoing mayor of Banaue, insisted that a contract be drawn up between the production and the Ifugao. It was stipulated that the extras would get housing, food, health care, and at least minimum wage for the duration of the filming. On the other hand, the extras would refrain from drinking too much alcohol, and would agree to carry out whatever acts were required for the film, provided there was no indecency. Roben, Benjamin, Lily, and Jerry were to work as interpreters and coordinators for the Ifugao, and they received a larger compensation.

For Lily, it was an immense responsibility, and she was constantly worried about the welfare of the entire group. She went to Pagsanjan ahead of everyone else to survey the set and the living conditions. Upon the arrival of the Ifugao in Pagsanjan, she was particularly upset that they had been transported from Banaue in military 6x6 trucks. Many of them arrived sick and dehydrated. It was a good thing that the contract included medical care and an abundant supply of food, milk, soft drinks, and potable water.

A camp for the Ifugao was constructed on the set in Pagsanjan. They were housed in cottages for about six months, from July to December 1976. According to Jovita Chulipa, a young single woman during the filming, groups of ten or more people lived in each cottage. They were given dogs, chickens, ducks, and by some accounts, also goats and pigs to look after and/or use for meat as they pleased. Benjamin says of this, "I think they wanted the village to look authentic, and so the people won't be homesick. The children around were just playing and they were getting paid P10 a day. I brought one of my sons. I think their intention was that if they're shooting and there are children around then it looks natural."

Dead bodies strewn on the set were cadavers, purchased from hospitals and medical schools.

When asked about the authenticity of the set, Benjamin laughed and said, "Of course they were trying to be authentic because of people like you (referring to our being anthropologists) who will say if it's really like that or not! I think there was even an anthropologist who told them the dialect is similar. I think directors find ways and means. Kahit hindi authentic, then at least, similar."

Coppola and his entire crew were indeed bent on making Apocalypse Now appear as close to "authentic" as possible. Dead bodies strewn on the set were cadavers, purchased from hospitals and medical schools. Much time and effort went into preparing sets, explosions, and even training of the extras. The first week they were in Pagsanjan, the Ifugao were given an orientation. They were shown the costumes and how to wear them, how to handle the guns. They were given an overview of their part in the story. Jerry recalls that they were told, "You are the people of Marlon Brando. He is like your god in the mountains. Sheen is your enemy."

Benjamin explains further, "We were trying to portray the natives, these Montagnards, who were caught in a war which they were not involved in. So first they were just running here and there. Then later they were recruited as renegade guerrilla soldiers by Kurtz against the Viet Cong… There were costumes that they got from somewhere else. I guess Vietnam…. They brought in Vietnamese from Bataan. They were brought in to act the Vietnamese roles, about 50 of them. Yun ang authentic na Vietnamese. If there are scenes where they talk Vietnamese, those were real. But where they're speaking Montagnard, they're Ifugao."

Jerry Luglug says there were about 15-20 Vietnamese on the set everyday. "They were always the dead people but they didn't complain." They were brought from the Morong Center in Bataan and they told Jerry that having to play dead was better than not having any job at all.

"I think directors find ways and means. Kahit hindi authentic, then at least, similar."

On the other hand, the Ifugao considered playing dead as risky. Roben told of one scene where an Ifugao extra had to be buried: "No one wanted to volunteer. In our custom that is not good, to pretend to be dead and then buried. They were really going to put soil! Of course his face would not be covered but they were really going to put soil. There was finally one who was convinced but for extra pay. He died many years later of a sickness and people still said, 'You see!'"

The first month they were there, Benjamin participated in training the people "to play the military." They were taught how to handle M14s and armalites, and some carbine pistols. They used camouflage uniforms. "It was more than full time work because we issue the guns early in the morning, then training all day, then we have to account for all the guns and parts in the night. Because there were NPA in the area before and they were worried that some guns and parts might get stolen."

"Edgar Dupingay on set" photo credit: courtesy of Edgar Dupingay

Edgar Dupingay, who sells Ifugao handicrafts in Ifugao was one of Benjamin's 'military trainees.' He retells his experience of the first scene that was (shot) filmed with the Ifugao. His role was to be a soldier for Kurtz. He was assigned to pose, he says, not to enact any ritual. 'Some are warriors, with bolos, we are soldiers and we are holding guns.' Edgar shared his mementos of the set: a photo of himself, holding a gun and a photo of Jovita Chulipa and Adela leaning on one of the props that they had constructed. The first scene they shot was one where all of them were standing on the riverbanks, waiting for the arrival of the Navy patrol boat. Dennis Hopper was part of this scene too. He played a deranged photojournalist who was drawn to the character and "genius" of Kurtz.

Edgar narrates , "We were all from Ifugao, there waiting on the shore. Dennis jumped down for his shot and the director got angry and cut twice. It took us 3 times and the 4th was good, but on that last take, the pants of Dennis ripped up the middle, he wasn't wearing any underwear. The (Vietnamese) extra hanging over the river in the boat arrival scene was supposed to be dead. But he was without any pants.... and he had an erection. And one of the Ifugao on the steps said 'You see up there, the dead person, his… penis is not dead.' Then they cut the rope and immediately he fell into the water."

The 'extras' village' was given sacrificial animals that would have normally cost the Ifugao a lot; this was part of their agreement with the production company.

The Ifugao extras hung out with the Hollywood actors. Some of the actors were given nicknames. Scott Glenn (Colby) was given the Ifugao name of Kimmayong (His personal website informs readers he was 'adopted' into the 'tribe.') Dennis Hopper was called Nabongan, meaning 'drunkard' and beloved by the extras for his sense of mischief.

Marlon Brando was comfortable among the Ifugao, because, as Lily puts it, "the Ifugao weren't minding him so he was feeling at ease. Not like our brothers in the lowlands they were always crowding around him because he was famous." Jerry recalls that between shoots Brando would visit their cottages to chat, and would also invite the Ifugao for a boat ride on the Pagsanjan River. Between shots, Martin Sheen would also spend his time with the Ifugao. "He wasn't famous yet," comments Benjamin. Jerry has a picture with Martin Sheen.

"Martin Sheen and 'the boys': Jerry Luglug in brown shirt on Sheen's left."
photo credit: courtesy of Jerry Luglug

Every weekend, tourists came to the set, presumably to catch glimpses of the Hollywood stars that the Ifugao treated so casually. They also came to see the impressive set, a replica of a Cambodian temple created by the set designer with Ifugao help. Lily, who to this day, deals in antiques and Ifugao crafts, took advantage of this and brought their business to Pagsanjan. Some of their items were sold to the crew. The other Ifugao also asked for materials for their crafts since there was a lot of free time between shoots. Roben Bahatan told us that they requested wood for carving, thread for weaving, and rattan or bamboo for basket weaving, all of which the production people provided. Seeing all this activity may have given the tourists the impression that it was a real native village and so they also took photos of the Ifugao living on the set.

His genius as filmmaker lies in the images he incorporates—images that he actually took straight out of Ifugao ritual.

This simulated village also took on Ifugao ritual life. The 'extras' village' was given sacrificial animals that would have normally cost the Ifugao a lot; this was part of their agreement with the production company. In one instance, they asked for a carabao for ritual slaughter. In Eleanor Coppola's Hearts of Darkness, the documentary film on the making of Apocalypse Now, it is this Ifugao request for a carabao for the ritual slaughter that provides Coppola his creative solution for the final scene.

Up to this point, Coppola, the genius filmmaker, arrives as it were up the river into his own hour of darkness. Ill and beset by cost overruns on his production budget, he had also run out of creative juice—having no idea what to do for the final scene. As he plotted on how to stage the death of Kurtz, his wife called him to see the Ifugao ritual slaughter and he became inspired. His genius as filmmaker lies in the images he incorporates—images that he actually took straight out of Ifugao ritual.

So, on screen, the Ifugao hack apart a carabao. All the Ifugao we interviewed insist that this scene wasn't in the script. "That came from us!" Many audiences flinch. Maybe they don't want to think about the origins of meat? Or is it the apparent savagery of the ritual? These are superficial readings and westernized audiences don't see that there is much more to this than meets the eye!

This scene is reminiscent of the old colonial relations reported in the National Geographic of the early 1900s.[3] In the early colonial era, U.S. appointed provincial governors held "cañaos"—large redistributive prestige feasts. In a traditional Ifugao cañao, a carabao or several were slaughtered and the meat was doled out by the feast's sponsor to relatives in order of their importance to the sponsor. The Americans sponsored these feasts to make peace between fractious Ifugao villages and establish colonial hegemony over the redistribution of wealth and justice. Since the Americans had no relatives, in their cañaos the order of precedence was 'up for grabs'—particular Ifugao community leaders vied for the first chance to strike a blow on the carabao, in order to show their affinity with their hosts. Men armed with bolos rushed to the carabao in a running melee until all the meat was taken from the bones, attempting to outdo each other in symbolically claiming kinship with the Americans. Photos of cañaos suggested the carabao slaughter was a 'free-for all,' reinforcing American ideas that Filipinos were primitive and barbaric.

To the Ifugao, the carabao remained a symbol of colonial power and its slaughter by the Ifugao became the symbolic tax levied on the Spanish as colonial overlord.

But the carabao holds a deeper significance in Ifugao ritual. The carabao entered the rice terraces of what is now Ifugao Province when Ifugao people living along the Magat River were displaced by Spanish incursions. The river ran through lowland Ifugao, separated the uplands of Ifugao Province from the neighboring lowland provinces of Isabela and Nueva Viscaya. The Spanish tried to Christianize the population and bring them into reducciones or mission settlements. The Ifugao abandoned their hunting grounds along the Magat and moved up to the mountains.

The theft of the animals by raiders from the Ifugao uplands was understood as a form of payment exacted from the Spanish for the use of the land the latter had occupied. As one Ifugao elder described it: "First, we just killed the carabao and carried the meat. Then we saw that it could be done to lead the carabao back. That was our pride, to kill many carabaos for meat when there was a death. That's how we were rich, sharing the meat."[4]

To the Ifugao, the carabao remained a symbol of colonial power and its slaughter by the Ifugao became the symbolic tax levied on the Spanish as colonial overlord. Therefore, the prestige and the feast retain an ambivalent quality. Even as the Ifugao accept the gift of meat, they are symbolically assassinating the imperial donor.

In the actual filming of this scene, the natives (as Cambodians) are led in a dance and ritual by Guimbatan, a respected mumbaki . Guimbatan was a native ritual specialist from Banaue, and the performances retain definitive Ifugao elements of expression and gestures.

Coppola was "in love" with the Ifugao since he was so reluctant to let them leave. Some of the Ifugao even said that they shouldn't show Coppola any more rituals; otherwise they would never be allowed to go home.

After Coppola first witnessed the carabao ritual slaughter, he tried to shoot every ritual that the Ifugao performed. Once he asked Roben if the elders could chant in one of the scenes. Roben said that they would be willing but that the utterance of those chants must always be accompanied by a sacrifice of chickens. So Coppola went overboard and ordered a whole truckload of chickens, which were then distributed to the entire Ifugao group.

Just before the Ifugao left for home, they performed one more ritual. Jerry saw Coppola throw down his cap and swear, "Shit, why didn't they show us this before? I want that for the film." Lily says it seemed that Coppola was "in love" with the Ifugao since he was so reluctant to let them leave. Some of the Ifugao even said that they shouldn't show Coppola any more rituals; otherwise they would never be allowed to go home.

In December 1976, the Ifugao completed their contract with the production company and returned home. This time, Lily made sure they traveled comfortably. They rode in air-conditioned coasters and were escorted by the local police in every province that they drove to. When they reached Dalton Pass, Jerry told the police to go home, "Baka kami pa ang mag-escort sa inyo dito."

Today, the Ifugao recall their participation in the film with a mixture of fondness and smugness. Their having been part of the filming is more important to the Ifugao than the film itself. Benjamin says, "You feel proud that you're part of the film but first it was just about the money." He says they were paid about $500 a week, and the exchange rate then was P7 per $. Prior to the filming, he was earning P350 a month as a teacher.

For Edgar, "seeing the movie filmed, it lessened my belief…. In the movie, you are attracted with them, you are believing what is being performed there. But, when I saw it for myself, it lessened my interest. Now, I only take in the history of the movie. Now, I don't believe already—once I have seen it, I know it is not true… In my experience there, at least by myself, I have done what they call filming. I stand in front of a camera and it's even an American film. It's a good experience for myself, when it comes to film. I'm a common person here, but I have experience. I was trained, for a short time, in martial arts for the film and even firing guns. Only we didn't operate the cannon… We learned how to load, to really attack and capture the object. It's like being a soldier without entering the military."

Edgar even went to Bayombong, Nueva Viscaya (the nearest cinema) to see the film and was dismayed by how many scenes were missing. "I didn't even see my face there. I was very eager to see Brando with us. That was the scene where Brando investigated Sheen. We were dragging Martin Sheen to him."

Lily asserts, "It was fun because it helped a lot of people here. They experienced travelling to a far place, there was good food. It was like a vacation for most of them. No hard work! We were pampered. There were truckloads of ducks and chickens. Drinks all over the place, lanzones, toilet paper. For me, when I saw the making of the film I lost interest in watching other films. I don't get so excited so much because I know they fake it. It must have been a nice experience for the other women too. They traveled, they were a community together, they liked doing what they were asked to do, and some met future husbands."

All in all, being in a Hollywood film and contributing to its ending was no big deal to the worldly Ifugao, really. It was fun while it lasted, and then life went on as usual and films thereafter lost their lustre. No one could have said this better than Benjamin who snorted when we first asked him to tell us about his experiences on the set: "Apocalypse Now? That's Apocalypse Yesterday already!"

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[1] We have taken the line breaks from a version of the poem found in a copy of the script for the film, provided courtesy of Butch Perez. The poem does not appear in the Conrad novel, only in Coppola's film.

[2] See Barkan, E. and R. Bush, eds., Prehistories of the future: the primitivist project and the culture of modernism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995) for details on Eliot's biography.

[3] See Worcester, D., "Field sports among the wild men of Northern Luzon" National Geographic 22(3), 1911: 215-267; Worcester, D., "Head-hunters of Northern Luzon" National Geographic 23(9), 1912: 833-930; Worcester, D., "The non-Christian peoples of the Philippines-with an account of what has been done for them under American Rule" National Geographic 24(11), 1913: 1157-1256.

[4] The sacrifice of a carabao is part of rituals to cure sickness and misfortune as well as to honor the dead.

This is excerpted from a larger collaborative research study by the authors and re-edited for Our Own Voice, 2004. It appeared in Flip Magazine (2003, v.2, n.3, pp. 29-33, 90-91); and delivered as a lecture ("Just Act Natural": Exploring Filipino Postcolonialities in the Making of Apocalypse Now) by Dr. Deirdre McKay on 26 September 2003 at the De la Costa Building Conference Room, organized by the Ateneo de Manila University's Institute of Philippine Culture, Program in Literary and Cultural Studies, and Kritika Kultura, in cooperation with American Studies Asia.

http://www.ourownvoice.com/essays/essay2004a-3.shtml

BULUL

Bulul is a wooden carved image of a man and a woman either seated or mounted which is originally found in the northern part of Luzon particularly Region CAR. In Ifugao (and maybe other provinces of Region CAR), it acts a very important role in rice production. It involved customary actions done by the Mumbaki  (native priest) from planting rice up to the protection and bountiful harvest in the rice fields. Having been surrounded by old folks in the province, I saw how they performed the ritual that included "baya" (rice wine) and the killing of pig while the Mumbaki murmured or chanted words (like he was doing speaking tongue) to stir its power. The bulul got its power from the dead ancestors spirits who dwell in it. It must be regarded with care and respect otherwise outbreak indication of diseases will be evident.

The Rice God and GoddessThese were carved by ama. He used an old Nara wood that used to be the pillar of our old native house. The wood is even older than me..i'm still young though :) 
I found these in our dirty kitchen when I went back home for a vacation. Wondering why they differ in color? It is because the male just came out from the chimney. (It has been placed there to get the usual colour of a bulul)

male bulul

One of my folks once told me that the Bulul represents wealth, happiness and well-being. He related many stories about it and among those that still lingers to my mind up to now is the story about a native old man who went to the forest to look for firewood.

As the man walked and searched for woods, he noticed an old wood prodded in the soil almost covered by damp withered leaves. He curiously picked it and was so surprised upon recognizing it was a bulul. He examined it and was very sure it was an antique and thought it was once belonged to some ancestors. He secretly kept it as he  didn't want his neighbors to know.

One day, there was an American tourist who was looking for antiques to buy. The old man invited the tourist to his house and showed the antique. Even if he knew it was forbidden, he still happily sold the bulul for a few thousands only thinking it was a huge amount of money. The foreigner brought the bulul to his country and after a few days, the native old man got sick for several days. He asked for the Mumbaki to cure him by performing baki in his house. After the baki, he was advised to return something he took from the forest or else it would cost him his life. The man admitted what he did. He died several months after. 

female bulul

All the villages became aware of it so when another tourist came to buy for antiques, they did not sell anything to him. 


Now, there are a lot of souvenir items displayed and sold in the north especially in Ifugao. They’re nice decorations and good souvenirs too.